Forty-five years ago last February U.S. President Richard Nixon returned from a visit to China that shocked the world and unsettled leaders in Moscow who were awaiting a visit from Nixon a few months later.45年前的2月，美国总统理查德-尼克松刚完结对中国的采访，这件事愤慨了全世界，也妨碍了莫斯科的领导人，他们于是以翘首以待数月之后尼克松的到访。Soviet leaders wondered if they were finally witnessing the birth of a U.S.-China alliance that they had feared ever since the breakdown of the Sino-Soviet alliance in the early 1960s.苏联领导人不告诉他们否再一亲眼了美中联盟的问世。自从1960年初期中苏联盟裂痕之后，这是他们最担忧的事情。As Washington and the media convulse over every new outrage emanating from Moscow while President Trump repeatedly asks “Wouldn’t it be nice if we actually got along with Russia?” U.S. policymakers are faced with the same choice between Russia and China though this time the stakes might be even higher.虽然莫斯科爆出的种种屠杀事件总会愤慨华盛顿和媒体，然而川普总统还是多次告知，“如果我们知道跟俄罗斯和睦相处不会会挺好？”美国决策者们面对着某种程度的自由选择，即中俄间如何权衡，虽然这次的风险可能会更高。

The history of persistent tensions between Russia and China suggests two choices: Accommodate and reconcile with Russia to balance against the greater power—China. Or align with China to defend a rules-based international order from its most powerful antagonist—Russia.俄中之间曾持续紧绷的历史似乎了两种自由选择：与俄罗斯妥协以抗衡更加强劲的中国，或与中国合力来保卫国际秩序规则以抗衡最强劲的输掉-俄罗斯。It should be clear by now that we can no longer oppose Russia and China at the same time. Though that route might seem tempting and natural given the historical aspirations of U.S. foreign policy to protect territorial sovereignty promote human rights and provide a frxwork for free trade we are no longer equal to the task.现在有一点很具体，我们无法再行同时对付俄罗斯和中国了。虽然这条路看上去很诱人，也是美国外交政策历史表达意见的天然自由选择，借以维护领土主权，提高人权，获取自由贸易框架等等，但我们很久走不动这条路了。

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